American Journal of Sociologylated, on different occasions and sometim的简体中文翻译

American Journal of Sociologylated,

American Journal of Sociologylated, on different occasions and sometimes concurrently, the length and timing of rest periods, the length of the work week, the length of the work day, and whether or not the company provided lunch and/or beverage. Productivity seemed to increase regardless of the manipulation intro­ duced (1984, p. 336; emphasis added).4Finally, I must mention the wider influence of the Hawthorne experi­ ments and the received wisdom of Hawthorne effects. In a leading case of popular business writing from the 1980s, for example, Peters and Waterman write, "For us, the very important message of the re­ search ... is that it is attention to employees, not work conditions per se, that has the dominant impact on productivity. (Many of our best companies, one friend observed, seem to reduce management to merely creating'an endless stream of Hawthorne effects')" (1982, pp. 5-6).III. THE HAWTHORNE EXPERIMENTSA. The Hawthorne Studies and the Hawthorne EffectThe Hawthorne experiments were conducted at the Hawthorne Plant of the Western Electric Company in the late l 920s and early l 930s and involved a variety of different studies of workplace behavior. The illumi­ nation experiments, which initially sought to establish a physiological relationship between intensity of illumination and workplace efficiency, predated the main Hawthorne studies themselves and showed that, in some instances, workers could maintain efficiency even under very low intensity of light, a finding that the researchers viewed as quite anoma­ lous.5 Indeed, Roethlisberger and Dickson (1939, p. 17) even mention a sequence of experiments in which an electrician pretended to alter light­ ing intensity si mply replacing bulbs by others of equal power a fter which the women involved commented explicitly on their preference for the old or new illumination intensity. Overall, they concluded, these experiments "failed to answer the specific question of the relation be­ tween illumination and efficiency," but, nonetheless, "they provided great stimulus for more research in the field of human relations" (Roeth­ lisberger and Dickson 1939, p. 18).64 As with the earlier textbook quotations, Adair's claim that output increased no matter what the experimental change is incorrect (see, e.g., Gillespie 1991, table 4, p. 57).5 Roethlisberger and Dickson (1939, p. 17) cite the case of two "capable and willing operators" who maintained their productive efficiency even when the amount of light was cut to 0.06 of a footcandle, "an amount of light approximately equal to that on an ordinary moonlight night."6 Gillespie (1991, pp. 38-48) discusses the industrial illumination tests in some detail and shows that, following Roethlisberger and Dickson's (1939) account, the standard454
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《美国社会学杂志》<BR><BR>在不同的场合,有时甚至在时间上,规定了休息时间的长短和时间,工作时间的长短,工作日的长短以及公司是否提供午餐和/或饮料。无论采用何种操作方式,生产率似乎都在提高(1984年,第336页;增加了重点)。4<BR>最后,我必须提到霍桑实验的广泛影响和霍桑效应的公认智慧。例如,在彼得斯和沃特曼(Peters and Waterman)于1980年代流行的商业写作中,“对我们而言,重要的信息……是关注员工,而不是工作条件本身, (对生产力的影响最大。(一位朋友观察到,我们许多最好的公司似乎将管理简化为仅产生“源源不断的霍桑效应”))(1982年,第5-6页)。<BR><BR><BR>三,山楂实验<BR>A.霍桑研究和霍桑效应<BR>霍桑实验是在920年代末和930年代初在Western Electric Company的Hawthorne工厂进行的,涉及各种关于工作场所行为的研​​究。illumi民族实验最初旨在建立照明强度与工作场所效率之间的生理关系,该实验早于霍桑的主要研究本身,并且表明,在某些情况下,即使在非常低的光照强度下,工人也可以保持效率。 5的确,Roethlisberger和Dickson(1939,p。17)甚至提到了一系列实验,其中一名电工假装改变照明强度,用等功率的其他灯泡简单地替换灯泡,而所涉及的妇女则明确评论了他们对新旧照明强度的偏好。总体而言,他们得出结论,这些实验“未能回答照明与效率之间关系的特定问题”,但是“尽管如此,它们还是为人类关系领域的更多研究提供了极大的刺激”(Roeth lisberger和Dickson,1939年,第18页).6<BR><BR>4与先前的教科书报价一样,Adair声称无论实验变化是什么错误,输出都会增加(例如,参见Gillespie 1991,表4,第57页)。<BR>5 Roethlisberger和Dickson(1939,p。17)列举了两个“有能力并愿意的操作员”的案例,即使光量减少到0.06英尺烛光,他们仍保持生产效率,“光量大约等于在一个普通的月光之夜。” <BR>6 Gillespie(1991,pp。38-48)详细讨论了工业照明测试,结果表明,遵循Roethlisberger和Dickson(1939)的说法,标准<BR><BR>454
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结果 (简体中文) 2:[复制]
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American Journal of Sociology<BR><BR>lated, on different occasions and sometimes concurrently, the length and timing of rest periods, the length of the work week, the length of the work day, and whether or not the company provided lunch and/or beverage. Productivity seemed to increase regardless of the manipulation intro­ duced (1984, p. 336; emphasis added).4<BR>Finally, I must mention the wider influence of the Hawthorne experi­ ments and the received wisdom of Hawthorne effects. In a leading case of popular business writing from the 1980s, for example, Peters and Waterman write, "For us, the very important message of the re­ search ... is that it is attention to employees, not work conditions per se, that has the dominant impact on productivity. (Many of our best companies, one friend observed, seem to reduce management to merely creating'an endless stream of Hawthorne effects')" (1982, pp. 5-6).<BR><BR><BR>III. THE HAWTHORNE EXPERIMENTS<BR>A. The Hawthorne Studies and the Hawthorne Effect<BR>The Hawthorne experiments were conducted at the Hawthorne Plant of the Western Electric Company in the late l 920s and early l 930s and involved a variety of different studies of workplace behavior. The illumi­ nation experiments, which initially sought to establish a physiological relationship between intensity of illumination and workplace efficiency, predated the main Hawthorne studies themselves and showed that, in some instances, workers could maintain efficiency even under very low intensity of light, a finding that the researchers viewed as quite anoma­ lous.5 Indeed, Roethlisberger and Dickson (1939, p. 17) even mention a sequence of experiments in which an electrician pretended to alter light­ ing intensity si mply replacing bulbs by others of equal power a fter which the women involved commented explicitly on their preference for the old or new illumination intensity. Overall, they concluded, these experiments "failed to answer the specific question of the relation be­ tween illumination and efficiency," but, nonetheless, "they provided great stimulus for more research in the field of human relations" (Roeth­ lisberger and Dickson 1939, p. 18).6<BR><BR>4 As with the earlier textbook quotations, Adair's claim that output increased no matter what the experimental change is incorrect (see, e.g., Gillespie 1991, table 4, p. 57).<BR>5 Roethlisberger and Dickson (1939, p. 17) cite the case of two "capable and willing operators" who maintained their productive efficiency even when the amount of light was cut to 0.06 of a footcandle, "an amount of light approximately equal to that on an ordinary moonlight night."<BR>6 Gillespie (1991, pp. 38-48) discusses the industrial illumination tests in some detail and shows that, following Roethlisberger and Dickson's (1939) account, the standard<BR><BR>454
正在翻译中..
结果 (简体中文) 3:[复制]
复制成功!
美国社会学杂志<BR>在不同的场合,有时是同时,说明休息时间的长短和时间,工作周的长短,工作日的长短,以及公司是否提供午餐和/或饮料。不管采用什么样的操作,生产率似乎都在提高(1984年,第336页;重点增加)<BR>最后,我必须提到霍桑实验的广泛影响和霍桑效应的公认智慧。例如,彼得斯和沃特曼在20世纪80年代流行商业写作的一个主要案例中写道:“对我们来说,研究的非常重要的信息。。。影响生产率的主要因素是对员工的关注,而不是工作条件本身。(一位朋友观察到,我们许多最好的公司似乎将管理简化为仅仅创造“源源不断的霍桑效应”)(1982年,第5-6页)。<BR>三、 霍桑实验<BR>A、 霍桑研究与霍桑效应<BR>霍桑实验是在20世纪20年代末和30年代初在西方电气公司的霍桑工厂进行的,涉及各种不同的工作场所行为研究。光照实验最初试图建立光照强度和工作场所效率之间的生理关系,早于霍桑的主要研究,并表明,在某些情况下,工人即使在非常低的光照强度下也能保持效率,研究人员认为这是一个非常不寻常的发现。5事实上,Roethlisberger和Dickson(1939年,第17页)甚至提到了一系列实验,其中一名电工假装改变照明强度,用其他同等功率的灯泡代替灯泡,之后参与实验的妇女明确地评论了她们对老年人的偏爱或新的照明强度。总的来说,他们的结论是,这些实验“未能回答照明与效率之间关系的具体问题”,但是,尽管如此,“它们为人类关系领域的更多研究提供了巨大的刺激”(Roeth­lisberger and Dickson 1939,第18页)<BR>4与早期的教科书引文一样,Adair声称无论实验性的改变是什么都是不正确的,产量都会增加(见Gillespie 1991,表4,第57页)。<BR>5 Roethlisberger和Dickson(1939年,第17页)引用了两个“有能力且有意愿的操作员”的例子,他们即使在光量被削减到0.06英尺烛光的情况下也能保持他们的生产效率,“光的数量大约相当于一个普通的月光之夜。”<BR>6 Gillespie(1991,第38-48页)详细讨论了工业照明试验,并表明,遵循Roethlisberger和Dickson(1939)的描述,标准<BR>454
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