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The alethestate prophasis is in my
The alethestate prophasis is in my belief the product of this fresh thinking, a statement of the common factor. As has been argued already and is most clearly seen at 118.2, the prophasis and the aitiai are for 432 merely two aspects of the same thing, since Athens' expansion was at the expense of Sparta's allies, especially of Corinth, and this is what alarmed the Spartans. The causes of the resumption of the war in 413 are nowhere so clearly stated. Thucydides lays far more stress on the means which Alkibiades suggested for harming Athens, the dispatch of Gylippos and the fortification of Dekeleia (6.93.2, 7.8.1); and on the fact that the Spartans this time believed they had formal justification (7.18.2-3): he is concerned to explain how their resolution was worked up to the point of fighting, not why they wanted to fight. But the reason is not in doubt. Alkibiades, after the personal apology with which he begins his speech (6.89), goes straight on (6.90.1) to expound Athens' plan for turning the resources of the West against the Peloponnese. It hardly needs a formal statement in the historian's own person that Sparta decided to help Syracuse and to attack Athens for fear of what might happen next if Syracuse fell. The alethestate prophasis is fully operative in 414, and Alkibiades' speech (6.90-91) is the vehicle by which Thucydides expounds it.
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The alethestate prophasis is in my belief the product of this fresh thinking, a statement of the common factor. As has been argued already and is most clearly seen at 118.2, the prophasis and the aitiai are for 432 merely two aspects of the same thing, since Athens' expansion was at the expense of Sparta's allies, especially of Corinth, and this is what alarmed the Spartans. The causes of the resumption of the war in 413 are nowhere so clearly stated. Thucydides lays far more stress on the means which Alkibiades suggested for harming Athens, the dispatch of Gylippos and the fortification of Dekeleia (6.93.2, 7.8.1); and on the fact that the Spartans this time believed they had formal justification (7.18.2-3): he is concerned to explain how their resolution was worked up to the point of fighting, not why they wanted to fight. But the reason is not in doubt. Alkibiades, after the personal apology with which he begins his speech (6.89), goes straight on (6.90.1) to expound Athens' plan for turning the resources of the West against the Peloponnese. It hardly needs a formal statement in the historian's own person that Sparta decided to help Syracuse and to attack Athens for fear of what might happen next if Syracuse fell. The alethestate prophasis is fully operative in 414, and Alkibiades' speech (6.90-91) is the vehicle by which Thucydides expounds it.
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The alethestate prophasis is in my belief the product of this fresh thinking, a statement of the common factor. As has been argued already and is most clearly seen at 118.2, the prophasis and the aitiai are for 432 merely two aspects of the same thing, since Athens' expansion was at the expense of Sparta's allies, especially of Corinth, and this is what alarmed the Spartans. The causes of the resumption of the war in 413 are nowhere so clearly stated. Thucydides lays far more stress on the means which Alkibiades suggested for harming Athens, the dispatch of Gylippos and the fortification of Dekeleia (6.93.2, 7.8.1); and on the fact that the Spartans this time believed they had formal justification (7.18.2-3): he is concerned to explain how their resolution was worked up to the point of fighting, not why they wanted to fight. But the reason is not in doubt. Alkibiades, after the personal apology with which he begins his speech (6.89), goes straight on (6.90.1) to expound Athens' plan for turning the resources of the West against the Peloponnese. It hardly needs a formal statement in the historian's own person that Sparta decided to help Syracuse and to attack Athens for fear of what might happen next if Syracuse fell. The alethestate prophasis is fully operative in 414, and Alkibiades' speech (6.90-91) is the vehicle by which Thucydides expounds it.
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在我看来，这是一种新思维的产物，一种共同因素的陈述。正如已经讨论过的，并且在118.2节中可以清楚地看到，prophasis和aitiai对于432来说仅仅是同一事物的两个方面，因为雅典的扩张是以斯巴达的盟友，尤其是科林斯的利益为代价的，而这正是让斯巴达人感到震惊的地方。413年战争复燃的原因没有如此清楚地说明。修昔底德更加强调了阿尔基比亚得斯对雅典的危害，吉利波的派遣和德克莱亚的防御工事（6.93.2，7.8.1）；关于斯巴达人这次相信他们有正式的理由（7.18.2-3）：他关心的是解释他们的决议是如何达到战斗的地步的，而不是他们为什么要战斗。但原因毋庸置疑。阿尔基比亚得斯在开始他的演讲（6.89）之后，直接（6.90.1）阐述了雅典利用西方资源对抗伯罗奔尼撒的计划。斯巴达决定帮助锡拉丘兹并进攻雅典，是因为担心如果锡拉丘兹陷落，接下来会发生什么，这几乎不需要历史学家本人的正式声明。在公元414年，阿列泰斯泰的本体论是完全有效的，阿基比迪斯的演讲（6.90-91）是修昔底德阐述它的工具。
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